- Politicians, pundits and much of the Israeli and Palestinian publics dismiss the new round of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations beginning this week as yet another futile exercise. The American-backed initiative has been called a naïve diplomatic effort that fails to take into account the deep distrust and wide gaps between the parties; the weakness of the Palestinian leadership (which doesn’t control Gaza and could yet lose the West Bank to Hamas); and the motivation of radicals (led by Iran) to torpedo the process. Other analysts are more optimistic, noting that US President Obama is determined to push through a deal and Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu is seeking a way to ease Israel’s growing diplomatic isolation.
- Israel’s stated goal in the talks to “seriously and responsibly advance a peace agreement” is based on three principles: RECOGNITION – Palestinian and Arab state recognition of Israel as the national state of the Jewish People; SECURITY – The establishment of solid security arrangements that guarantee Israel’s security; and FINALITY – A Palestinian and Arab declaration that a settlement ends the conflict and all claims on Israel. PM Netanyahu has said that Israel seeks “not just a tactical halt between two wars or two outbreaks of terrorism, but a peace based on recognition, security, stability and economic prosperity between the two peoples that will endure for us and our children.”
- Key issues before the parties include the following: borders of a Palestinian state and its demilitarization; secure borders and security arrangements for Israel; the fate of Jerusalem and of Israeli settlements; the culture of peace (i.e., an end to Palestinian incitement against Israel and of Palestinian glorification of violence against Israel); and the status of refugees.
- An early and immediate issue before the parties is Israel’s 10-month moratorium on settlement construction which expires in late September. PM Netanyahu appears unlikely to extend the moratorium, at least not in its current, sweeping fashion, and Abbas has said that he will withdraw from negotiations if settlement activity resumes. One possible compromise that is reportedly being discussed involves resuming construction only within existing West Bank settlement blocs, along with some early “confidence building” moves from Israel (like the transfer of key areas in the West Bank to Palestinian control before a final agreement is reached). Aggressive US intervention and mediation will be necessary to bridge the sharp differences between the parties on this and other issues.
- A central issue will be Palestinian willingness and ability to commit to a “final status” peace agreement that will bring about an end to the conflict in its totality. The PA was dragged into the new peace talks against its will, and is approaching the negotiations with the limited goal of “bringing about an end to the occupation that began in 1967.” This suggests that even after an agreement with Israel on Palestinian statehood, the Palestinian state would still seek to confront Israel and make claims against its pre-1967 borders. PA leader Abbas has also suggested that he is not really interested in negotiations with Israel; he prefers and expects the international community to impose on Israel an arrangement more favorable to the Palestinians.
- Among the steps that the international community can take to help advance the peace initiative are clarifying that it will support only a settlement negotiated between the parties; working to end Hamas rule in Gaza; supporting Israel’s right to defensible borders; reiterating its support for recognition of Israel as a Jewish state; insisting on demilitarization of a future Palestinian state; pushing the PA towards an end of conflict pledge; helping the PA to foster a culture of peace; stating that any refugee solution must take place outside Israel’s borders; investing in Israeli-Palestinian business partnerships; and countering Iran’s hegemonic nuclear ambitions.
What Israel Expects from the Peace Talks
RECOGNITION:
Formal Acceptance of Israel’s Legitimacy
The two-state solution (which is a declared goal of the current peace talks) calls for the creation of two states for two peoples – one Jewish and one Palestinian. The Palestinians and the broader Arab world must accept the right of the Jewish people to a homeland in Israel if Israel is expected to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland in a future state of Palestine. After more than 60 years of Arab warfare and terrorist attacks, Israel expects that the Palestinians and their Arab state supporters will officially recognize the legitimacy and right to a secure existence of their Jewish neighbour, and will end their campaign of international delegitimization of Israel.
SECURITY:
Responsible Palestinian Authority Control over Palestinian Areas
Unless Israel’s negotiating partner, the Palestinian Authority (PA), can effectively assert full control over all territories it claims for a Palestinian state, a peace deal will not be possible. The PA must be able to enforce a peace agreement and ensure an end to violence emanating from all of its territory. This includes areas such as the Gaza Strip controlled by the Iranian-backed Hamas – an organization that continues to wage war against Israel and is listed as a terrorist organization by Canada, the US, and EU.
Secure and Defensible Borders
Israel requires a peace accord with security arrangements that do not leave its population vulnerable to attack or invasion. Israel must control key strategic locations, such as the Jordan Valley, and the hilltops overlooking Tel Aviv and surrounding Jerusalem, which enable it to react with sufficient warning and speed to any attack launched against its borders by hostile neighbours. The 1949 armistice “Green Line” which demarcates Israel from the “West Bank” of the Jordan River does not constitute a secure or defensible border line for Israel. Israel has learned painful lessons from past assaults, and cannot accept a situation which would facilitate harm to its people or the destruction of the state.
Demilitarization of the PA
In accordance with all international peace plans for the region over the last 40 years, Israel expects that the newfound Palestinian state will not become a base of military operations; that it will be a demilitarized state which does not pose a threat to Israeli security. Israel’s painful experience with Gaza is instructive: After Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005, this Palestinian area was flooded with weaponry and continues to serve as a launch pad for terror and missile attacks against Israeli civilians. Israel cannot allow the same to take place in the West Bank given its proximity to major Israeli population centres, key infrastructure, and its militarily advantageous position atop a series of mountain ridges overlooking Israel.
A Palestinian Culture of Peace
One of the most fundamental obstacles to a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians is the incitement against Israel and Jews inculcated by the Palestinian Authority. Peace will only be possible when suicide bombers are not glorified but rather condemned; when Palestinian streets, squares, and recreation facilities are no longer named to honour murderers. The PA must stop fanning the flames of hatred, and bring their people to the point where grassroots peacemaking is possible. Palestinians need institutions of statehood that combat extremism and terrorism, in which official state policy fights against, rather than cultivates, hatred and violence.
FINALITY:
End of Conflict Determination
From Israel’s perspective, a peace agreement leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza is meant to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict altogether – a comprehensive end to violence and all reciprocal claims. However, at present, the PA is approaching negotiations with a limited agenda meant to bring about “an end to the occupation that began in 1967″ without settling the conflict with Israel once and for all. This approach suggests that even after an agreement with Israel on Palestinian statehood, the Palestinian state would still seek to confront Israel and make claims against its pre-1967 borders. This is unacceptable to Israel. Israel seeks a “final status” peace agreement that will bring about an end to the conflict in its totality and usher in a new era of peaceful relations between Israel and the Palestinians, and between Israel and the Arab world.
A Comprehensive Refugee Solution
Israel expects that the Arab world will finally agree to a solution for Palestinian refugees – resettling them outside of Israel’s borders, in the Palestinian state or elsewhere in the Arab world. The so-called “right of return” demanded by Palestinians — the wholesale migration of Palestinians into Israel – would spell the end of the Jewish state and completely undermine a two-state solution. Israel expects the Palestinian Authority to renounce the demand for such a “return” and expects Arab countries to allow Palestinian refugees to exit refugee camps where they are in effect being held hostage by their Arab brethren. Similarly, a comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict will also have to take into account the rights of Jewish refugees who were forced out of their homes in the Arab world when Israel was founded.
Israeli Security Custodianship of Jerusalem
Israel has impressively built united Jerusalem into a cosmopolitan and international city of culture and faith; a magnet for Muslims, Jews and Christians worldwide, with free and secure access to the holy sites of all faiths. Notwithstanding eventual agreements that may lead to the creation of a Palestinian capital in Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem, and to ensure that Jews are never again barred from their holiest places, Israel must retain security control of the greater Jerusalem envelope. The city should be recognized as Israel’s capital.
Acceptance of Major Settlement Blocs
A final status peace agreement must reflect reality in order to be effective. The more than 200,000 Israelis who live in towns and cities grouped into “settlement blocs” in the West Bank – adjacent to Israel’s pre-1967 major population centers — cannot possibly be uprooted from their homes in the eventuality of an accord. These major settlement blocs, which are mostly contiguous with Israel proper, must remain part of the Jewish state. Israel is prepared to negotiate land swaps with the Palestinians in order to accommodate this reality.